By John P. Heinz
What determines the systematic allocation of prestige, energy, and fiscal present between lawyers? what sort of social constitution organizes attorneys’ roles within the bar and within the greater community?
As Heinz and Laumann convincingly reveal, the criminal career is stratified essentially by way of the nature of the consumers served, now not via the kind of felony carrier rendered. in truth, the excellence among company and person consumers divides the bar into remarkably separate hemispheres. utilizing facts from huge own interviews with approximately 800 Chicago attorneys, the authors express that attorneys who serve one kind of patron seldom serve the other. additionally, legal professionals’ political, ethno-religious, and social ties are most likely to correspond to these in their buyer types. larger deference is constantly proven to company attorneys, who appear to collect strength through organization with their strong clients.
Heinz and Laumann additionally notice that those “hemispheres” of the felony occupation aren't successfully built-in by means of intraprofessional organisations comparable to the bar, courts, or legislations schools. the truth that the bar is established basically alongside extraprofessional strains increases exciting questions about the legislation and the character of professionalism, questions addressed in a provocative and far-ranging ultimate chapter.
This quantity, released together with the yank Bar beginning, deals a uniquely subtle and accomplished research of attorneys’ expert lives. will probably be of outstanding value to sociologists and others attracted to the criminal occupation, within the common learn of professions, and in social stratification and the distribution of strength.
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Extra info for Chicago Lawyers: The Social Structure of the Bar
Sherman isn't in," or "Mr. " Because it's not really a lawyer's office at all-it's Telephone Secretaries Unlimited, one of the 200 answering services in the Chicago area. It's run by Rosee Torres, who answers the phone for 4,000 Loop lawyers. "We also have 50 doctors," she said. " It's a busy office. She also rents out office space, beginning at $10 an hour, to lawyers who are from out of town or who have just got out of law school and don't have their own offices yet. "Our offices are set up like a law office and no one can tell the difference," she said, and she is right.
5l. Douglas Rosenthal, Lawyer and Client: Who's in Charge? (New York: Russell Sage, 1974). 52. Stewart Macaulay, "Lawyers and Consumer Protection Laws," 14 Law and Society Review 115 (1979) . 53. Richard A. Watson and Rondal G. Downing, The Politics of the Bench and the Bar: Judicial Selection Under the Missouri Nonpartisan Court Plan (New York: John Wiley, 1969). 54. Zemans and Rosenblum, supra note 48. 55. The study, first published in 1964, has been published in a second edition, which includes a chapter updating the original data; Erwin O.
Bruce L. Warren, "Socioeconomic Achievement and Religion: The American Case," in Edward O. , Social Stratification: Research and Theory for the 19705 (Indianapolis and New York: Bobbs-Merrill, 1970), pp. 130, 152; Liston Pope, 14 THE SCOPE AND NATURE OF THE STUDY disproportionate numbers of persons of higher socioeconomic status, from older immigrant stock-most numerous in this category are Presbyterians, Episcopalians, and Congregationalists. 19 The largest number in group 2 are Lutherans, Methodists, Baptists, and Protestants who did not express any denominational preference.
Chicago Lawyers: The Social Structure of the Bar by John P. Heinz